Articles by: Judith Harris

  • Facts & Stories

    Italy Ends its 150th Anniversary Celebrations

    ROME – The first reflection is that despite efforts by antagonistic Northern Leaguers to have it put aside, the Italian national anthem, “Fratelli d’Italia,” is still being sung. Many will appreciate this, and also the good news that the exhibition of Quirinal Palace documents on view inside the residence of the president will remain open through April 1 this year. Already, over 100,000 visitors—many of them Italian and foreign students—have seen its fascinating selection of documents, portraits and illustrations. Those who can enjoy an early Spring break still have a chance to see it and to walk through the great halls of state of the palace, normally closed to the public, open weekdays from Tuesday through Saturday from 10 am to 1 pm and 3:30 to 6:30 pm; and on Sundays from 8:30 am through noon.

    In his remarks this week, which concluded the anniversary celebrations, President Napolitano said that, “The celebrations that began in 2010 and end now have been an important event in our national life,” for their offering a time for taking stock and reflecting on where the country is going. Going beyond the usual generic phrases, he went on to address the country’s problems today: “the need to balance the national budget, to address the problem of the sovereign debt weighing on the state, and the very future of our country.” A large part of the Italian population has shown “great maturity” in its new awareness of the grave problems facing today’s Italy, he went on to say, even as “the principal political forces have taken cognizance of the fact that the electorate is tired, and that public opinion has grown weary of an exasperated and paralyzing conflict, in a time when the emergency is obvious, and would require instead our making the utmost efforts towards rapprochement and convergence in the common interest.”

    Moreover, while honoring the specific Italian past, the President also spoke in favor of the European Union and its “far-sighted project for integration and unity” launched in Paris sixty-two years ago. “We will do our part, in the conviction that we must cultivate, not showy, but authentic and vital social and public action, in teaching and national participation that will help to raise to new heights the Italians’ civic consciousness, cohesion and the desire for progress.”

    These were strong words indeed, and thoughtful—and just in time for the Tuscan comic Roberto Benigni to steal the scene with an offer to take over the Italian presidency, with a “seven-year technical administration.” Benigni had already marked the anniversary by plunging onto the stage of the San Remo song festival, Garibaldi style, riding on a horse and waving the Italian flag. But then Benigni too turned serious, reading letters from three young men who had been condemned to death during the World War II Resistance. One, age 29, wrote his mother that, “Your little boy is dying without fear.” The actor’s voice broke when he continued from the letter, “There are children who have given their lives for us. It has taken all this death and horror so that I could be here today to write these words.”

    Not least, novelist Dacia Maraini spoke of the contributions women made to the battle for Italian unification.

    All told in the past year of celebrations there have been 9,700 conferences and meetings; 10,600 schools have been involved. Some 4,500 requests to use the celebration’s logo were received, along with many thousands of letters from ordinary citizens. But what would be Italy if there were not also food involved? From Cuneo, in honor of the celebrations, a gigantic white truffle (tuber magnatum pico) weighing 260 grams was sent to President Napolitano last October. All previous recipients had been from show biz.

    Finally, the Accademia Italiana della Cucina took the trouble to pull together 250 unpublished

    menus from state banquets held during the past inside the Quirinal Palace. The menus were collected by Academicians Maurizio Campiverdi (primarily), Domenico Musci, Franco Chiarini and Giovanni Chiriotti, with supplementary material culled from the Historical Archives of the Quirinal. They are now published with a forward by President Napolitano himself, in which he comments that, “this book illustrates the evolution of the Italian table and examines the gastronomic culture and the customs of official protocol.`” The documentation shows sophisticated Italian cuisine, with all its regional diversity, as it changes from 1861 to the present. The menus are  “elegant testimonials to the numerous political and cultural events that were held in the halls of the Quirinale over a century and a half.”

  • Facts & Stories

    Good News Gazette

    ROME – There’s good news from Italy, and it’s about time. (Never fear: at the tail end of this piece we’ll report some bad news, too.) The first bright spot is about the spread, and by this time we all know what that is. Silvio Berlusconi had weathered two years of girlie scandal and more court cases involving corruption than anyone but he cares to count. But just four months ago the spread—that is, the difference between interest rates for 10-year bonds in Germany and Italy—ballooned above 5%, and became the knockout blow to the Berlusconi government and perhaps to his political career. On March 9, for the first time in four months, the spread sank to 3% at the close of the financial day. 

    This was a ratification of the so-called “government of technicians” called in to sort out the Italian financial muddle, and Premier Mario Monti, backed in European finance by Mario Draghi, can only be satisfied. Those favoring the government crowed that this show of international consensus proves that Premier Monti’s government is on the right track. 

    Another sign of the slightly less troubled times: in a lengthy analysis of whether the problems of the European economy can weigh on U.S. elections, the authoritative economist Jacob Funk Kirkegaard of the Peterson Institute for International Economics, gave Europe the cleanest bill of health in a year. Moreover, discussing the economic problem nations he singled out, naturally, Greece and Ireland but never mentioned Italy at all, a first in a long time. (To see Kirkegaard’s qualifications, click here; to see his analysis, “Why President Obama can stop worrying about Europe, PIIE” click here

    The second Good News item is that, as a crucial prerequisite to improved export sales capacity for Italian manufactured goods, computer literacy in Italy has bounced up to almost 53% for use of a computer and almost 51% for use of the Internet, according to the official statistics-gathering agency, ISTAT. This is an improvement over the 51% and 48.9% respectively of  2010, and refers not solely to the adult population, but to the entire Italian population over age three. A territorial imbalance remains in computer use, however, with the North showing 56.9% versus the 44.6% of the South and, for the Internet, 56.3% versus 43.7% respectively. Those most computer savvy are between ages 15 and 19, predictably, but nearly 15% Italians between the ages of 65 and 74 are now linked in. 

    This is a major leap forward. In the not very recent past the challenge to Italy was literacy itself, for in 1960 one out of every four Italians was totally illiterate. A valiant attempt to remedy this began in 1960 with a course of instruction via TV, with teacher Alberto Manzi (1924-1997) speaking in front of a blackboard, called, “Non e’ mai troppo tardi,” it’s never too late to learn to read. The idea was Manzi’s, and at the time few owned TV sets so the lessons were broadcast in local schools in small farm towns and villages, after the men (few women attended) came in from the fields in the evening, and especially in the South of Italy. RAI historians believe that, through these lessons, 1.5 million adults were able to obtain certificates showing that they had completed elementary school. (For a history of this wonderful RAI project, click here
     

    And now, for a bit of bad news. Naturally, not everyone crowed over the drop in the spread. The secretary of Berlusconi’s Liberty Party (PdL), Angelino Alfano, never showed up for a meeting scheduled with the leaders of the political parties who keep Monti in power, and so the meeting had to be cancelled. “With the reduction of the [economic] spread now we must hope that the spread among the politicians won’t increase,” was Monti’s wry comment from Belgrade, where he was on official visit. Pierferdinando Casini was reproachful and firmly in support of Monti: “This is not the time for polemics. The spread is on its way down, and this government is proving to be fruitful. To weaken the government now is not useful. And there’s no doubt that [canceling the meeting] weakens the government.”

    Perhaps the most irritating news item for the Bad News Gazette was another unfortunate outburst from the ever truculent Senator Umberto Bossi, still head of the Northern League. “Monti risks his life, the North will do him in.” (Monti rischia la vita, il nord lo fara fuori.) At what sounded like a threat, many Italians reacted, and Bossi backed off slightly, saying that he had been “travisato” (misunderstood): “It’s Monti who threatens us.”

    Indeed. 

    At the same time Bossi continued his campaign to be rid of the Italian national anthem Fratelli d’Italia, known as the Mameli Hymn. Behind this outburst was the Culture Commission of the Chamber of Deputies, which is seeking to have singing of that national anthem obligatory in schools and the institution of a national day honoring Italian unity and its Constitution, as of 2013. All Italy’s political parties save the League are backing the bill—and that too is good news. 

  • Derailing Turin’s High-Speed Train

    ROME – To TAV or not to TAV – that is the question. The quarrel over the much-delayed construction of the TAV (short for Treno Alta Velocità, or high-speed train), cutting through and beneath the Val di Susa in the Alps from Turin to Lyons in France, has mushroomed into almost daily demonstrations.

    No TAV is the name of the protest groups operating in Milan and Rome, as well as in the Val di Susa, and they have blocked highways, railway lines and city centers. Demonstrators broke into a newspaper office in Rome. A local pro-TAV mayor has received serious threats, and his young son has had to be escorted to school by guards.

    Spokesmen for the so-called “technical” babysitting government of Mario Monti explain that the TAV project has been thoroughly analyzed, and that their conclusion is that it is a valid modernizing factor. At a cost for the Italian sector estimated at E2.7 billion (Italy will pay only a part, however), it is expected to enter into service around 2024. It will, it is hoped, quadruple the amount of material transported by rail and hence reduce truck traffic. In support of the government’s decision, Italian President Giorgio Napolitano, on a visit to Turin this week, snubbed the No TAV movement by refusing to meet with a small coterie of local mayors who oppose its construction. The No TAVs crowed that during his visit no one bothered to show up save a small group of schoolchildren.
     

    In the current political party vacuum, Monti must take care not to alienate masses of young people who, mobilized around the No TAV movement, might organize savage protests on the lines of those in Greece with the risk of infiltration by violent subversives. This is what the government most fears. The No TAVs are extremely media-savvy and have successfully kited a local situation into a national emergency, with stunts that grab headlines and whiz around Italy on Internet blogs. As a result, says pollster Renato Mannheimer in the daily Corriere della Sera, 44% of those queried sympathize with opponents of the project.

    The question is knotty, and both emotional and rational arguments can be made to justify going ahead with construction or canceling a plan first promoted by Umberto Agnelli in 1990. Antonio Di Pietro, head of the Italia dei Valori party is one opponent—but when he was Minister of Public Works in the government of Romano Prodi, he voted in its favor. Here are a few pro’s and con’s.

    CON: It costs too much and wastes money.

    PRO: Costs whom too much? Forty percent is paid by the European Union, 30% by France and the remaining 30% by Italy.

    CON: Yes, and France too has had mass protests against it. Anyway, we already have a train that runs only 25% full.

    PRO: It is an old rattletrap, and this will cut the travel time by hours while connecting us better with Europe via the French TGV to Budapest.

    CON: Oh? Well, the new Turin-Milan train line can carry 330 trains a day but in fact only eighteen are in use daily. Besides, in digging such a tunnel uranium underneath and asbestos underground will leak out and poison the folks living in the valley.

    PRO: Studies show that the uranium is not processed and can do no harm. The presence of asbestos would be a risk solely to the workers while the tunnel is being excavated, and they will be protected.

    CON: Ground water will be harmed. Irrigation of farmland will be ruined. Our farmers will suffer. And we don’t want our Alpine valleys ruined for tourism.

    PRO: The TAV will run for 54 km (30 miles) under Mount Moncenisio and is largely invisible. Do you prefer the big rigs to keep driving through the valleys?

    CON: Truck traffic through our valleys is already declining because most traffic goes from Verona northward to Switzerland and Austria. Also, train transport for goods will not be competitive because half of inter-regional transit today is only for short distances, under 300 miles. The costs of loading and unloading will make rail transport too expensive.

    PRO: Your association of businessmen, Ascom, thinks it will help business. And by the way, Ascom is worried that tourism to the valleys is being harmed by all these demonstrations.

    CON: What will be harmed is all transport. Loading will be at Turin, right? How can loading take place where roads are already clogged?

    PRO: It will make you all wealthier by connecting you with western France.

    CON: Why France? The new business is all coming from East Europe. Get yourselves a compass.

    PRO: Are you trying to kick us back to the Fifties? Do you want Italy marginalized in Europe?

    CON: A crime expert like Roberto Saviano shows that many big construction companies working in and around Turin have Mafia infiltrations. Saviano said: “We must have the courage to understand the Italy at this time is unable to guarantee that this project will not become the biggest goldmine ever for the Mafia.”

    PRO: That is a job for the police and the courts. Companies with Mafia links will not be chosen to do the work.

    CON: People from all over Italy have come to the valley to oppose construction.

    PRO: Yes, including from Calabria, where a rattle-trap train makes contact with Rome, not to mention the rest of Italy and Europe, very uncomfortable. Why aren’t they at home demonstrating in their own interests?

    CON: At least let’s have a moratorium for a while and think this thing through!

    PRO: There has been a moratorium for the past six years. Delegations of opponents have met with the government during that time, and their suggestions have already been incorporated in the revised plan.

    CON: What is the point of all this? To build something just to build it?

    PRO: The point is that you are opposing modernism, defending truck transport and ignoring the fact that it will provide work for some 2,000, in addition to making our products available, faster and cheaper, to North Europe.

    CON: If you’re so keen on its construction, let it be decided in a referendum. This is a democracy, right? Let the mountain people choose for themselves.

    PRO: And just who would be entitled to vote in the referendum—the French? People from all over Italy? Or just the people living in the valley?

  • Art & Culture

    “Where the Tall Grasses Grow”: A peek into the secret archives of the Vatican

    ROME – For the first time in history the Vatican is offering the Roman public and visitors a peek into its famous “secret archives,” its collection of ancient and modern documents kept rigorously under lock and key in closely guarded halls next to the Vatican Library. The archives—properly known in Latin as Archivum Secretum Vaticanum—were hidden away some four centuries ago on orders of Pope Paul V (1552-1621), a Borghese family aristocrat who had been educated as a lawyer in Perugia and Padua before coming to Rome. 

    Most unusually, the Vatican has organized an exhibition called Lux in Arcanum, which opened this week in the Capitoline Museum in Rome and will remain until September. On view is a selection of one hundred precious documents selected from among the 35,000 volumes that occupy some 52 miles, or 84 km, of shelf space. Among the treasures which can be seen for the first time is a 180-foot-long parchment scroll from the trial of the Knights of Templar, which took place in Paris between 1309 and 1311. The warrior monks’ order had been accused of heresy, idolatry and sodomy, and was disbanded by Pope Clement V in 1312.  
     

    The Vatican Secret Archives have always generated curiosity, and for a sneak preview German TV sent a crew, as did the BBC. Until 1881, when researchers were given entrée for the first time, the secret archives were absolutely prohibited to visitors. Even today, when a thousand or so scholars are allowed entry into the secret archives every year to conduct research, visitors are barred, save for such rare exceptions as members of the British royal family, always welcome and treated to a showing of correspondence between Henry VIII and his desire for a divorce.

    One of the most curious of the documents on view is a centuries-old numbered key for the secret encoding of documents. But otherwise the word “secret” referring to the archives is something of a misnomer because the word was originally intended as signifying private as a personal possession of the pope. But in fact, tucked away, and printed on everything from papyrus to silk and even birch bark, are countless truly secret documents. Tantalizing to scholars, they are believed to include those that pertain to the relations between Pope Pius XII and Nazi Germany. Nothing like that is on view inside the Capitoline Museum, but there are plenty of other fascinating documents.

    Among the most important documents on view is one signed on May 10 1633 by Galileo Galilei, when he was on trial in Rome for treason. In this document he abjures his theory that the earth circles the sun, which he had written the previous year and published in a treatise called Dialogue Concerning the Two Chief World Systems. Another is a letter from the British Parliament insisting upon Henry VIII’s legitimate request for a divorce, and threatening serious consequences if the Roman Catholic Church does not meet his wishes.

    Two on view are from the Northern Hemisphere. In one Abraham Lincoln, at the time just elected President, writes on Feb. 8, 1861, asking for the Vatican state to recognize his envoy Rufus King as the new Minister to the Holy See. More picturesque is the now fading letter in black ink on birch bark dated 29 In the Month of Flowers 1887. The sender’s address is indicated as “In the Place Where the Tall Grasses Grow.” The letter author, Pierre Pilsémont, is the head of the Christian community of Ojibwe (Chippewa) Indians, and he has written to Pope Leo XIII, whom he addresses as “Great Master of Prayer, he who acts in Jesus’s stead.” He thanks the pontiff for having sent to the Ojibwe “a guardian of Prayer,” in the form of the apostolic vicar of Pontiac, Narcisse Zépherin Lorrain. 

    A number of women who are famous in history are represented. The original abdication declaration signed by Queen Christina of Sweden in 1654 is on view, flanked by dozens of wooden capsules that look like bottle tops but hold, inside, wax seals intended for use to seal documents. Queen Christina, memorably portrayed in a silent film by Greta Garbo and in a pop book by Barbara Cartland, was crowned in 1650 and abdicated only four years later. She passed her crown to her male cousin on grounds that she did not intend to marry and have children; shortly afterward she converted from the Lutheran faith to Catholicism. When she came to Rome the following year she entered through a city gate redesigned specifically for her by Gianlorenzo Bernini at Piazza del Popolo. For the Church, her conversion was a triumph; her father had been the victor of the Thirty Years War, which had pitted Catholic Spain, Austria and Italy against Germany, Sweden, Holland and France. At the signing of the Peace of Westphalia, which ended that devastating war, the papal envoy had been forced to kneel before the Swedish crown (at that time Sweden ruled Germany) in an humiliating acknowledgement of surrender. Once in Rome, however, Christina—an intellectual, refined, arrogant—proved to be difficult to handle. She is believed to have been a Lesbian or an Intersexual. 

    The second woman represented in the exhibition is Mary Queen of Scots. After no less than twenty years in prison she had just been informed that she would be put to death when she sat down to write a letter to the pope dated Nov. 23, 1586, informing him of this, in French. Adjacent is a bishop’s annotation of the same date guaranteeing that Mary Stuart was indeed the writer of the letter. In it she touchingly wrote the famous words, “In my end lies my beginning.”

    A third woman was the imprisoned Marie Antoinette, who wrote her brother-in-law a note describing the difficult conditions of her detention in prison in Paris. She was put to the guillotine on Oct. 16, 1793.

  • Moms, Jobs and Bamboccioni

    ROME –  American reporter Joe Queenan has just determined that, as the headline over his Wall Street Journal article of Feb. 15 proclaims, “Italian Moms Are the Best.” True, he was speaking of Italian-American mothers who are terrific cooks, so I admit to extrapolating to include all Italian mammas (of which I happen to be one, not to mention nonna of three nipotini).

    Here’s what he says: “I never met anyone who was more beloved by her kids than Mrs. Giardinelli, though she wasn't much different from all the other Italian-American mothers I have known. Italian-American moms love their kids, they look out for their kids, they defend their kids, and because of that their kids generally grow up to be pillars of the community.”
    (http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204883304577221130871808026.html)

    Whoa! Not so long ago we were insulting the mamma italiana for creating a couple of generations of bamboccioni—that is, unemployed, unemployable and lazy youth. The word is a neologism, popularized a few years back by a Minister of the Economy, the late Paolo Padoa Schioppa. From bambino, child, the word is defined by an Italian dictionary (my translation) as “a man with infantile or spoiled behavior, immature.” In English it’s usually translated as  “mama’s boy.”

    But the meaning is slippery and changes with the times. Before the present economic crisis, the bamboccione was a beloved Italian institution and still socially acceptable enough for singer Francesco Friggione to celebrate him in a sarcastic but affectionate song whose lyrics go, “Come on, Mamma, make a risotto. Papa, I need fifty euros tonight for the disco. I’m lost without Mamma and Papa…. Hey, I’m stayin’ home with the folks, till I inherit.” (you can see and hear it at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X467cRITzmw).For the true bamboccione work was out of the question, and so an enterprising sofa manufacturer put up a giant billboard at streetside below the Parioli hill in Rome showing a youth stretched out and dozing on a sofa.

    “For your bamboccione,” said the ad, intimating that  (1) everyone has one at home, and (2) he (rarely she) warrants a comfy new sofa, not to mention laundry washed and ironed, pasta a-plenty and holidays in the Maldives with buddy bamboccioni and their assorted girlfriends, whose way would similarly be paid by adoring parents.An economy on the skids has put an end to all this, and, with Italy formally declared in recession following two quarters of negative growth, the figure of the bamboccione has tumbled into disgrace.

    Michel Martone, the present undersecretary for Labor and Social Policies, called those young people who fail to be graduated from university by age 28 “sfigati” (lazy slobs). Even Premier Mario Monti’s preaching that a guaranteed job-for-life was “monotonous,” was taken as insinuating that many of Italy’s young people want an easy life rather than hard work. Labor Minister Elsa Fornero ground it in further by declaring that young people should not be afraid of seeking work far from home—and then it was pointed out that her own daughter works in the same university which employs both Fornero and her husband.

    Not surprisingly, being written off as “bamboccioni” and “sfigati” brought a flood of recriminations from the hordes of educated and underpaid or unpaid young people who work or are seeking work. “We are being humiliated,” one wrote on a blog site. “Martone shows he does not understand the Italian university system.” Other angry young people explained that, where there are limited places to enter university, those with recommendations have been filling the quotas at the expense of those without.

    The statistics once again tell the story. On Thursday the national statistics agency ISTAT revealed that, among those between 18 and 29 years of age, jobs have dropped by 2.5% the past quarter over the same period last year. This translates into a loss of some 80,000 jobs for young people over the past year. Young women are worse off than the men, with only one out of two employed and, in the South, only one out of three.The sad truth is that Italy has let its youth slip between the social cracks. “Until yesterday young people were a symbol of the future, of progress, of a tomorrow that is already here and a motor of the economy—of consumption and consumers, but they’ve now gone out of fashion….

    Young people in Italy no longer represent the future,” commentator Ilvo Diamanti wrote in an op ed in La Repubblica Feb. 13. Not surprisingly, employers shy away from giving lifetime contracts. The trade unions defend workers, yet represent only those who have these contracts. No one has been speaking for the young Italians who have been forced into bamboccione-hood.The government is aware of this, and Minister Fornero, promoting a reform of the labor market at a meeting in Brussels of the EU Council of social affairs and employment, spoke in favor of “a greater participation of youth, women and older workers.”

    The government has a number of proposals to be discussed in coming weeks with the labor unions and with industry:--to introduce a broader type of apprentice system--to devise a system of unemployment benefits;--to revise the rigid contract system. The latter is particularly important. Says Fornero: “Too many types [of contract] have over the years created the widespread precarious system among youth…. A battle against youth unemployment is our priority.”It is to be hoped; no one wants to see the sort of street rioting of Athens.But old ways die hard. Newspaper writers here still speak of a man pushing 30 as a “youth,” and too many Italian leaders still refuse to make way for newcomers.

    This is a country where old people are still revered and still in command, which may help to explain why so many Italians infantilize their young people, and many young people allow themselves to be treated like children. From political parties to trade unions, many of these leaders look more suited to floating on a golden pond than to leading Italy into a future which will need the help of every last one of its educated, talented young people.

  • Facts & Stories

    Moms, Jobs and Bamboccioni

    ROME –  American reporter Joe Queenan has just determined that, as the headline over his Wall Street Journal article of Feb. 15 proclaims, “Italian Moms Are the Best.” True, he was speaking of Italian-American mothers who are terrific cooks, so I admit to extrapolating to include all Italian mammas (of which I happen to be one, not to mention nonna of three nipotini).

    Here’s what he says: “I never met anyone who was more beloved by her kids than Mrs. Giardinelli, though she wasn't much different from all the other Italian-American mothers I have known. Italian-American moms love their kids, they look out for their kids, they defend their kids, and because of that their kids generally grow up to be pillars of the community.”
    (http://online.wsj.com/article/SB10001424052970204883304577221130871808026.html)

    Whoa! Not so long ago we were insulting the mamma italiana for creating a couple of generations of bamboccioni—that is, unemployed, unemployable and lazy youth. The word is a neologism, popularized a few years back by a Minister of the Economy, the late Paolo Padoa Schioppa. From bambino, child, the word is defined by an Italian dictionary (my translation) as “a man with infantile or spoiled behavior, immature.” In English it’s usually translated as  “mama’s boy.”

    But the meaning is slippery and changes with the times. Before the present economic crisis, the bamboccione was a beloved Italian institution and still socially acceptable enough for singer Francesco Friggione to celebrate him in a sarcastic but affectionate song whose lyrics go, “Come on, Mamma, make a risotto. Papa, I need fifty euros tonight for the disco. I’m lost without Mamma and Papa…. Hey, I’m stayin’ home with the folks, till I inherit.” (you can see and hear it at: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=X467cRITzmw).For the true bamboccione work was out of the question, and so an enterprising sofa manufacturer put up a giant billboard at streetside below the Parioli hill in Rome showing a youth stretched out and dozing on a sofa.

    “For your bamboccione,” said the ad, intimating that  (1) everyone has one at home, and (2) he (rarely she) warrants a comfy new sofa, not to mention laundry washed and ironed, pasta a-plenty and holidays in the Maldives with buddy bamboccioni and their assorted girlfriends, whose way would similarly be paid by adoring parents.An economy on the skids has put an end to all this, and, with Italy formally declared in recession following two quarters of negative growth, the figure of the bamboccione has tumbled into disgrace.

    Michel Martone, the present undersecretary for Labor and Social Policies, called those young people who fail to be graduated from university by age 28 “sfigati” (lazy slobs). Even Premier Mario Monti’s preaching that a guaranteed job-for-life was “monotonous,” was taken as insinuating that many of Italy’s young people want an easy life rather than hard work. Labor Minister Elsa Fornero ground it in further by declaring that young people should not be afraid of seeking work far from home—and then it was pointed out that her own daughter works in the same university which employs both Fornero and her husband.

    Not surprisingly, being written off as “bamboccioni” and “sfigati” brought a flood of recriminations from the hordes of educated and underpaid or unpaid young people who work or are seeking work. “We are being humiliated,” one wrote on a blog site. “Martone shows he does not understand the Italian university system.” Other angry young people explained that, where there are limited places to enter university, those with recommendations have been filling the quotas at the expense of those without.

    The statistics once again tell the story. On Thursday the national statistics agency ISTAT revealed that, among those between 18 and 29 years of age, jobs have dropped by 2.5% the past quarter over the same period last year. This translates into a loss of some 80,000 jobs for young people over the past year. Young women are worse off than the men, with only one out of two employed and, in the South, only one out of three.The sad truth is that Italy has let its youth slip between the social cracks. “Until yesterday young people were a symbol of the future, of progress, of a tomorrow that is already here and a motor of the economy—of consumption and consumers, but they’ve now gone out of fashion….

    Young people in Italy no longer represent the future,” commentator Ilvo Diamanti wrote in an op ed in La Repubblica Feb. 13. Not surprisingly, employers shy away from giving lifetime contracts. The trade unions defend workers, yet represent only those who have these contracts. No one has been speaking for the young Italians who have been forced into bamboccione-hood.The government is aware of this, and Minister Fornero, promoting a reform of the labor market at a meeting in Brussels of the EU Council of social affairs and employment, spoke in favor of “a greater participation of youth, women and older workers.”

    The government has a number of proposals to be discussed in coming weeks with the labor unions and with industry:--to introduce a broader type of apprentice system--to devise a system of unemployment benefits;--to revise the rigid contract system. The latter is particularly important. Says Fornero: “Too many types [of contract] have over the years created the widespread precarious system among youth…. A battle against youth unemployment is our priority.”It is to be hoped; no one wants to see the sort of street rioting of Athens.But old ways die hard. Newspaper writers here still speak of a man pushing 30 as a “youth,” and too many Italian leaders still refuse to make way for newcomers.

    This is a country where old people are still revered and still in command, which may help to explain why so many Italians infantilize their young people, and many young people allow themselves to be treated like children. From political parties to trade unions, many of these leaders look more suited to floating on a golden pond than to leading Italy into a future which will need the help of every last one of its educated, talented young people.

  • Op-Eds

    America Loves Monti—and Just Maybe, So Does Italy


     ROME – He came, he saw, he conquered. On his visit to the U.S. this week, where he met with financiers like George Soros in New York and then with President Barack Obama in Washington, Italy’s emergency Premier Mario Monti was hailed with a degree of approval accorded to no Italian politician, save for President Giorgio Napolitano, in literally decades. (To see Monti at the White House with President Obama, click here).

     
    His visit was a triumph even before he left Italy, with U.S. Ambassador to Italy David Thorne fairly gushing on the eve of departure, “I think Italy has become the most trustworthy U.S. ally in Europe.” As icing on the cake, Time magazine featured Monti on its cover with the headline, “Can This Man Save Europe?” In fact, his visit to Brussels the previous week he was hailed by European leaders, to the point that the Sarkozy-Merkel duet finally became a trio.
     
    Whoops, did I just call Monti a “politician”? Whatever happened to Professor Monti, the subtle and sober intellectual economist in the discreet blue suit? Wasn’t this the dull technocrat asked to babysit Italy, but only until its finances are back on the straight and narrow, so that the politicians can grab back the reins of power? Public opinion polls provide the answer: Monti is as popular in Italy as in Washington. They show that Monti, in power for less than three months, commands an extraordinarily high approval rating, 60%, a notch higher still than the previous week. And lest anyone say that his is a putsch, he has sailed through a series of votes of confidence, meaning that he has been voted into office by the Parliament.
     
    The real question, then, is whatever happened to Italy’s political parties? By stark contrast with the approval for Monti, they continue to sink like a stone in public opinion. Today only 10% of Italians express confidence in parties of any stripe. This disaffection is aggravated by a Niagara Falls of scandals over missing funds from party financing that are somehow suddenly surfacing. Not surprisingly, then, nine out of ten Italians refuse to identify with the political parties that have been running the show for the past two decades. And as polls also show, some 50% of Italians are so disgusted with the political Establishment that they say that, if a new election were called, they either don’t know for whom to vote, or would turn in either a blank ballot or not vote at all.
     
    Like the political parties, Parliament itself, and confidence in its representation of Italians, is a losing ground. Under the headline, “Frankenstein in Parliament,” Massimo Giannini of La Repubblica put it succinctly Saturday: “As in the sleep of reason, this marriage between a ‘weird’ government [Monti’s] and Parliament is generating monsters: 2,400 amendments presented at the Senate on a decree for liberalization [of public ownership of corporations] offends common sense and good taste.”  His bitter conclusion was that any Parliament with a sense of responsibility would already have passed the bill.
     
    This makes it all the more likely that, as commentators here are falling all over themselves to say, for the moment Monti looks more and more like the once and future king, and very difficult to unseat in the future with or without a political party behind him at present. As a La Stampa commentator maintains, unseating the man who may save Italy from a Greek-style disaster will be extremely difficult. From political appointee in a desperate situation to politician in his own right should not be an impossible step. 
     
    Not surprisingly, then, tensions are beginning to surface within former Premier Silvio Berlusconi’s “Freedom Party,” the Partito della Liberta’ (PdL). Their debate is officially over the validity of the biparty system—until now the official PdL preference—versus possible larger and more heterogeneous coalitions. Some in the PdL balk at the sudden reversal in favor of an alliance with centrist parties, but this week a PdL delegation met with representatives of the so-called “Third Pole”, headed respectively bt Pier Ferdinando Casini, Gianfranco Fini and Francesco Rutelli. The two sides agreed to beginning to consider a system “which does not make politically-forced coalitions.” 
     
    Berlusconi himself is said to be softening his approach, and talking about a possible grand coalition: why should Monti be the only politician to be seen as savior of the nation? This suggests that Berlusconi is giving up on his alliance with the truculent Umberto Bossi’s Northern League. That the League has noticed this is fairly obvious; its younger, healthier leaders are plainly jostling among themselves for larger roles, even as they then rush to embrace each other for a friendly togetherness photo.
     
    If Monti’s success continues, the specter of elections in 2012 will continue to fade. Presuming this dismal legislature limps forward to its natural end after a five-year term in the Spring of 2013, the present Parliament will be out, and a newly elected Chamber and Senate will choose a successor to President Napolitano for a seven-year term. Unless a cataclysm strikes Italy, it is hard not to believe that Monti will not play a key role. 



     

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    Mr. Monti Takes a Verbal Tumble

    ROME – Indeed it may be boring to those nine out of ten Italian workers who have one, but, as economist Monti well knows, a job for life is the object of anguished desire for the almost 2.8 million workers who do not. According to the official statistics agency ISTAT, reporting on the third quarter of 2011, the numbers of these have-not’s continue to grow, and during the past year another 166,000 short-term contracts were awarded, a hike of 7.6%.

    Up-to-date figures show that nine out of ten workers in Italy still enjoy lifetime contracts, a lingering result of a combination of well-meant Catholic-Socialist social policy goals that emerged in the early postwar era under the influence in part of the Swedish model of social democracy.
     

    As a result, the forty- and fifty-somethings who benefit from lifetime contracts can sit back and whittle their thumbs (and many do) while Italy’s youth, already struggling against a recession with no end in sight, are now being clobbered in a labor market that is shifting rapidly from overly protective to (perhaps) overly precarious.

    Monti’s misstep, to the extent that it was, came during his first interview with a Silvio Berlusconi-owned TV channel on Feb. 1. What he actually said was: “Regarding the labor market it is normal to have a dialogue [presumably between government and trade unions], and this dialogue will take place shortly, with an Italy that is also European. The principal goal of the reform we want, and to which [Labor] Minister Fornero and the entire government are committed, is to reduce the terrible apartheid that exists in the labor market between those who, because of their age or luck, are already in it and those younger who are working terribly hard to enter the job market or enter it in precarious conditions…. Young people have to get used to the idea that they will not have a fixed job for their whole lifetime. And then, let’s admit it, how very monotonous.”

    So why did Monti’s saying this irritate so many? First, the jesting tone of his final remark intimated that this former president of an elite university, the Bocconi, is overly remote from the desperation of young people pleading for their first job or being hired for six months and then dropped. He probably meant to be consoling but came off as supercilious, “like Marie-Antoinette saying, ‘Let them eat cake,’ when the French complained they had no bread,’” as one pundit commented.

    As the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development has recorded, Italy’s restrictions on firing workers are almost the toughest in Europe.” Article 18 of the 1970 Labor Code decrees that, after a worker completes a period of probation, any company with 15 or more employees must retain the worker or risk a costly lawsuit and be obliged to rehire him or her with back wages and social security contributions. For this reason some smaller companies have actually balked at hiring more than fourteen. This clause is the bone of contention that divides the unions and the manufacturers’ association, headed by Emma Marcegaglia.

    Susanna Camusso, head of the leftist CGIL trade union, will be one of the trade unionists slated to begin negotiations shortly with the government. She defends Article 18 with tooth and claw. The idea of letting workers go is, to her, anathema. Although acknowledging to the press agency ANSA that “this government has done more than its predecessors,” to Monti’s comment she retorted that what was boring is continued talk of firing workers. “The priorities of the government must be to fight against precarious labor and against the underground economy…I imagine that Professor Monti can give us a list of regulations he considers overly protective. We hear the same song again and again [in favor of labor mobility]. That’s what is boring.”

    And yet this is the future, and it is already here, as most thinking Italians know. Today one out of ten of those in the labor force have short-term contracts. Of this 10%, moreover, two-thirds are under age thirty-five. And almost half of these are younger still (aged 15-24) and already in the labor market while lacking protection from capricious firing. A failing company can fire workers, quite properly, but an unscrupulous employer can be rid of able employees when they find others at lower costs.

    The fact is that Italy remains deeply conservative, and the vast majority, beginning with the obsolescent trade unions (“out of the ice age,” one former Socialist MP called them), still act upon the idea that what was good enough for Grandpa on the assembly line is still just right for Junior. This might have been true when the assembly line ruled, but today the factory system itself is going the way of the dinosaur. The strong economic growth of the Italy of the past—the Sixties and Seventies—was based upon two great industries, machine tools and textiles, showcased by fashion . When employers can find workers abroad who can perform the same mechanical operations for 90% less in wages, they will do so; and the textile industry, a co-efficient of fashion, is by definition problematic because fashions become unfashionable. 

    What is Italy to do? It is hard to disagree with Gian Antonio Stella, journalist and writer for Corriere della Sera, who said the other day, “Italy must do what it does best. It has a unique heritage of art, architecture, of fabulous small towns, each with its own personality. It must set to work to protect these and its landscape. And then we can continue to attract people the world over.” This reporter could not agree more.

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    Concordia-Titanic-Venice. Soul-Searching in a Shipwreck


    ROME – On the late evening of Jan. 13 Captain Francesco Schettino was showing off the mammoth cruise ship in his command, the Costa Concordia, by seeking a close encounter with the Tuscan island Isola del Giglio. Perhaps the Costa managers had encouraged Schettino to do this for publicity (though what publicity could be obtained in a summer resort at night in mid-winter is debatable). Perhaps Schettino intended to blow the ship’s horn in homage to a retired sea captain living on the island. Or perhaps, as some witnesses say, Schettino was simply distracted. For whatever reason, the ship, twice the tonnage of the Titanic and carrying at least 4,229 people from 60 nations, veered 200 yards from the notoriously rock-bound shoreline, to ram into a boulder that tore a 150-foot-long hole in the hull.

     
    Paddy Agnew, the Irish Times correspondent in Rome, was among the first of the foreign press to reach the lovely Tuscan vacation island, which has fewer than 1,500 inhabitants. “The arrival of perhaps 1,000 producers, cameramen and reporters struggling to find out what was going on transformed Giglio immediately into a media circus,” Agnew reported. “Their massive presence did little to facilitate rescue efforts.” Each time a ferryboat brought new passengers onto Giglio to see the wreck of what the Guardian has called “the floating palace of delight,” reporters flooded onto the quai to see if relatives of the thirteen victims identified so far had arrived.
     
    This past weekend Giglio was also invaded by curiosity seekers who are now being accused of being thanotourists—that is, tourists fascinated by the morbid, by grief and horror, like those who tour London in special buses to view the place where the victim of an horrendous murder was killed. At least one of these tourists who arrived on Giglio with a camera protested that his motives were noble: “This is an historic event, on the level of the Titanic, and so I brought my eight-year-old, and when I explained it to her, she made the sign of the Cross.” This information fits in well with the news Saturday that statues of a three-foot-tall Madonna and a little Baby Jesus were successfully recovered Friday from the chapel of the doomed ship.
     
    A result of the worldwide interest is that the Concordia, like the Titanic exactly one century ago or the Hesperus back in the mid-19th century, is already a metaphor for things that go hopelessly wrong—not only in Italy, but also in Italy. Speaking of the possible return to power of former Premier Silvio Berlusconi, reporter Agnew observed, “That would be like having Capt. Schettino come back to run a cruise ship.”
     
    Metaphors aside, the need to recover 2,400 tons of oil and diesel fuel before they spill onto the Tuscan shores continues to be a major concern. The extraction process is to begin in earnest only after all hope is lost to rescue the missing twenty or so missing passengers. The risk to the environment just may stop a projected expansion of the port facilities at Venice which would allow more and ever bigger cruise ships to enter the lagoon. Lidia Fersuoch, head of the Venice office of the Italian heritage society Italia Nostra, warns that, “An environmental disaster here would mean the death of the lagoon.” Andrea Zanoni, an Italian member of the European Parliament, has called upon the Commission of the European Parliament to ban all mega-cruise ship traffic from approaching close to Venice or other heritage sites.
     
    The president of the Port Authority at Venice, Paolo Costa, scoffs at such comparisons. “People comparing Giglio to Venice do not know what they’re talking about,” he maintains. Costa claims that cruise ships cannot, like the Concordia, run aground in Venice “because there is only sand and mud. The worst that can happen is that they get stuck.” In addition, cruise ship motors are idle as they enter the lagoon, where they are pulled by tug boats. This, however, ignores that the bulk of the mammoth cruise ships hoving in close to shore overwhelms the aesthetic of the city meant to be admired, while the fumes and diesel exhaust of the tugboats pollute the waters of the lagoon, and their chemical waste erodes the stone foundations of a fragile ecosystem. No one wants Venice itself to be the next Titanic.
     
    In the Concordia disaster, heroes were not lacking. They begin with the Livorno port authority commander, Gregorio De Falco, who, in a phone call, told the slippery Capt. Schettino to “Get back on the ship, asshole” (Torna sulla nave, cazzo!), phrase which immediately became a T-shirt motto.


     
     Video with the recorded conversation in Italian

    with English subtitles 



      And then there is the ship purser, Manrico Giampetroni, who kept returning to help passengers until he wound up, alone, trapped and with a broken leg before he was rescued.
     
    Capt. Schettino, who is under house arrest in Sorrento, has been cleared of having taken drugs, his lawyer announced today. But otherwise the captain who admits abandoning his ship (while justifying his doing so) continues to risk a long jail sentence on charges of, among other things, multiple manslaughter. Some of the text of his testimony to prosecutors has been published, most of it damaging to him and to the Costa management, which initially announced it was paying his lawyer and has since retracted. In his testimony, Schettino says that a part of the Black Box apparatus had been broken for weeks without the Costa authorities bothering to have it repaired. He acknowledged that following the impact he went to his cabin, where, he said, he found his papers all dumped onto the floor—already slanted at perhaps 45 degrees—as a result of the ship’s toppling into the water. The daily La Repubblica publishes, moreover, a photograph of the sea captain on shore carrying a red parcel which it identifies as a laptop computer. The computer—if this is what Schettino went to fetch in his cabin—seems to have disappeared. A related and as yet unanswered question is whether or not he changed his uniform to civilian clothing.
     
    The kindest words said about Capt. Schettino came from a woman officer on the ship, Silvia Coronika, who said that after the ship smashed into the rocky outcropping, Schettino went into a state of “panic.” An earlier eye witness had also recounted seeing Schettino, having abandoned the ship well before it was evacuated, seated on shore “in shock.” Schettino’s family members in Sorrento have issued an appeal for people to have respect for him.
     
    Another as yet unanswered question is why Schettino was released to house arrest in Sorrento. Did the first inquiring magistrate decide he is not as guilty as he appeared? And indeed questions are raised about the Costa group’s suggestions to Schettino during the at least four telephone calls following the first shock. Schettino alleges that he asked the Costa managers to phone for help, but they responded solely by giving him a number to phone. Some here believe that the Costa cruise ship management may have discouraged Schettino from informing the port authorities because—should the crisis prove to be less severe after all—the company risked having to reimburse port authorities millions of euros in damages for sending boats and helicopters to help.


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    Berlusconi: Cheering from the Sidelines

    ROME – The aging Italian men pruning our fifty olive trees this week were discussing, not the crop, but the spread, and using the word knowledgeably and in English. They are hardly alone. Aside from the cruise ship disaster, these days talk tends to turns to the economic crisis and the financial sacrifices Italians are being called upon to make because of it. Yet until only a few months ago, half of Italy had no idea that there was a problem with the economy. Even when they heard talk on the radio or TV about the Greek economic disaster, these Italians were reassured by government spokesmen and by that part of the press that was and is government controlled that Italy was safer, better, more secure, thanks to limited credit card debt and a penchant for saving.

     As a result, when Mario Monti and his professorial team took office in a sleight-of-hand shiftonly two months ago with orders to put Italy back on track, many here were caught by surprise. On a phone-in radio news program, an irate listener complained, “The journalists are at fault! We were not even told about the crisis.” He had a point: the former Premier Silvio Berlusconi, intending to be reassuring, insisted again and again in public that the problem was one of confidence, and therefore not real. The public was told that outsiders in a vicious foreign press along with a vindicative, politicized Italian magistracy were using scare tactics for devious purposes.

     

    Prodded by the stronger European leaders and by international banks with investment in Italian bonds, Monti then appealed to Italians to make sacrifices: pay higher taxes, take home lower wages and put an end to such protectionist, price-fixing corporations as pharmacies, taxi drivers (here a problem of license selling), and the notaries public authorized to legitimize all legal dealings.

    The fallout from this is that many an Italian who voted for Berlusconi in the past is already wishing he were back. “Life was better,” they say. “Everything costs too much all of a sudden, and it’s Monti’s fault.” Berlusconi could hardly be blamed for relishing the moment. Indeed, as our banker friend, a professor of economics, said heatedly today, “Just now Berlusconi is sitting back and enjoying this, saying, ‘The spread is terrible, and Italy has just been downgraded. And to think: people blamed us, instead of Monti. But now they can see the truth.’”

    Berlusconi has a two more reasons to crow from the sidelines. The first is that the detested election law known as the “Porcellum,” which translates roughly as “dirty pig law,” remains on the books. As a result, the Italian Parliament is likely to continue to have an exceptionally high number of well-paid appointees rather than elected members. Under this law, voters cannot vote for a candidate by name, but solely for the party list, meaning that the party bosses in the traditional smoke-filled room personally select those faithful who can be counted upon to toe the party line. How carefully a candidate toes that line helps establish how far down on the list his name will appear.

    Not surprisingly, this law is criticized as blatantly undemocratic, and over 1.2 million Italians signed a referendum calling for the Porcellum to be overturned. Before this could happen, Italy’s high constitutional court had to rule on whether the referendum was valid enough to be put before the public. The court ruled against, and the referendum cannot take place. The reasons will not be fully explained for some days to come, but a principle justification seems to be that referenda deal with elements of a law, not its abrogation, since total abrogation would leave a constitutional void. Whether or not the members of the court voted with conscience (and there is no reason to assume they did not), the suspicion remains that, simply because the Porcellum entrusts decision-making to the party bosses, even those on the left are secretly satisfied. Each political party is convinced that it can turn this unhealthy law to its own use.

    The third reason that Berlusconi appears in good form is that this Thursday Parliament voted against lifting immunity from a Neapolitan politician, Nicola Cosentino, 52, under investigation for allegedly being the political protector of the gangsters of Casal di Principe (the “Casalesi,” as this branch of the Camorra is called). Roberto Maroni of the Northern League said that his party, against Berlusconi, would join those voting for the lifting of immunity—meaning in fact for Cosentino’s arrest. But when the time came, ignoring Maroni, MPs from the League voted for protecting Cosentino, and their vote tipped the balance. The vote was by secret ballot, as requested by Berlusconi’s Freedom Party (PdL), and ended with 298 in favor, 309 against. Why, when the League has made legality a poitical cornerstone? The guessing is that its ailing, truculent leader Umberto Bossi and Maroni are at such loggerheads that Bossi’s troops chose this occasion to make a show of power.

    But there can be other reasons why Parliament protected Cosentino. “Was it solely to protect their caste?” asked Nando Dalla Chiesa, whose father, Carabinieri General Carlo Alberto Dalla Chiesa, was murdered by the Mafia in Sicily.

    Dalla Chiesa, the author of La Convergenza, Mafia e Politica nella Seconda Repubblica (Converging: Mafia and Politics in the Second Republic0 believes that the reason is the economic benefits showered upon friends and family by the links with the Casalesi, rather than solely a sense of caste solidarity. As a result, “We have been given this terrible picture of the State: the Carabinieri, police and magistrates, although they’re regularly accused of careerism by colleagues in the ‘network,’ have acted, arresting, one by one, every last member of the Casalesi. But then Parliament steps in to protect the [Casalesi’s] political connection.”  Nando Dalla Chiesa

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